The new COAS & CJCSC

In most countries, the appointment of a new army chief receives little media or public attention. In Pakistan, things are a little different. And this time, the uncertainty, conjectures, rumours, and doubts reached new heights as the “November appointment” became a source of heated debate and unfortunate political maneuvering. President Arif Alvi signed off on the summary sent to him by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, naming Lt-Gen Asim Munir as the new chief of army staff and Lt-Gen Sahir Shamshad Mirza as the new chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee. After a tense few days of speculation, the final transition proved to be less combative than anticipated. The uncertainty was primarily caused by a visibly displeased Imran Khan making statements a few days ago about not accepting anyone appointed by the current prime minister, sparking speculation that the PTI would use President Alvi to refuse to sign the summary, leaving the country in a constitutional and political bind. The country watched with bated breath as the president took off for Lahore to meet with Imran Khan. Given that Alvi is the president of a country rather than a single political party, it was unclear why this meeting was necessary. The president had little choice but to sign the summary; at best, he could have delayed it by a few weeks. However, better judgment appears to have prevailed in the PTI camp, and it is a good omen that the party is on board and that there is no controversy or sense of conspiracy surrounding the appointment of the country’s military leaders.
For the past few months, it has been clear that the PTI has been angling for a say in the appointment of the new COAS, which makes little constitutional or traditional sense. Political observers continued to see Imran’s “long march” as a pressure tactic for the appointment rather than a political statement. It’s a relief that more rational members of his party were able to persuade him not to risk another constitutional crisis. He did the same thing with the appointment of the DG ISI last year, only to fail. Delaying these appointments would have dealt another blow to the country’s already fragile democratic system. In this sense, the approval of all stakeholders is welcome, and it is hoped that it will help the country avoid further division and instability as it strives to regain a more stable footing. If this occurs, we may see some relief from the political and economic uncertainty that has thrown Pakistan into a tailspin of doubts and divisions.
All political parties should regard the democratic system as a red line. Perhaps Imran has learned that a sense of order and a willingness to follow constitutional norms are required in politics. Now that things have calmed down, it is critical that all political parties and state institutions fulfil their constitutional obligations and chart a new course. Political parties must finally sit down and sign a new democratic charter, reach an agreement on the importance of making such appointments part of the regular and normal process rather than using them to stay politically relevant, and agree to stop attempting to politicise apolitical institutions. It is critical that the system heal now and that a much-needed political course correction occurs. If elections are desired, citizens should communicate with one another rather than requesting intervention from the establishment. If an institution declares itself neutral, accept it. If political parties truly want to defend democracy, they must do so without the support of apolitical forces. The new leader takes over a country in desperate need of healing. General Bajwa, the outgoing army chief, has stated unequivocally that the military will no longer play a political role. It is now up to the institution to ensure that this is implemented as policy. Allow this to become the new normal.