India at a crossroads: the slow death of secularism

In 1950, India promised its people that the nation would be prepared on the ideals of justice, liberty, equality, and fraternity. This promise, enshrined in the Constitution, laid the foundation for a secular republic where religion would not dictate citizenship, opportunity, or dignity. That idea of India, plural, inclusive, secular, now stands imperiled. While India’s founding fathers, particularly Jawaharlal Nehru, envisioned a society where diversity would be eminent, the current political dispensation appears determined to overwrite that legacy. Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah, a new narrative has taken hold one where secularism is dismissed as an outdated ideal rather than a constitutional cornerstone. The Indian Constitution, adopted on November 26, 1949, and implemented on January 26, 1950, was clear that the state would remain neutral in matters of religion. India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, articulated secularism not as a Western import, but as an Indian necessity. In a country of profound religious and cultural diversity, state neutrality was essential for harmony. Nehru warned repeatedly of the dangers of mixing religion with politics, calling communalism a menace that could tear the country apart. That warning, long ignored by fringe elements, now finds unsettling resonance in mainstream politics. The Rise of Hindutva as a political ideology sought to establish Hindu cultural and civilizational dominance in India. These days, this ideology has moved from the margins to the center of power. Muslims, who form about 14% of India’s population, have increasingly found themselves at the receiving end of institutional neglect and public hostility. Data from the government-appointed Sachar Committee in 2006 already painted a bleak picture: Muslims ranked lowest among all communities in education, employment, and access to public services. More recent developments have only compounded their marginalization. Lynchings over cow-related rumors, the vilification of Muslims during the COVID-19 pandemic, and the bulldozing of Muslim homes and businesses following communal tensions are well documented. Other minorities, including Christians, Dalits, and Sikhs, have also faced pressure, particularly in BJP-ruled states, where anti-conversion laws and cultural policing have created an atmosphere of fear and suspicion. India’s secular structure is upheld not just by its Constitution, but by its institutions — the judiciary, the media, the civil services, and civil society. Increasingly, these pillars appear to be bending under political pressure. The Supreme Court’s silence or delayed interventions on crucial constitutional questions such as the CAA, the revocation of Article 370, and rising hate speech have drawn criticism. Journalists, activists, and non-governmental organizations who speak out against government policies have faced harassment, arrests, and raids. This institutional fatigue, or perhaps complicity, has made it harder for vulnerable communities to seek redress and accountability. Yet, India’s secular soul is not entirely lost. Civil society, student groups, retired bureaucrats, and some political leaders continue to speak out. The anti-CAA protests of 2019–2020, led largely by Muslim women, were emblematic of a grassroots resistance to communal politics. They carried the Constitution, sang the national anthem, and invoked Gandhi not as empty symbols, but as anchors of a fading dream. Leaders like Shashi Tharoor have rightly pointed out that Hindutva is profoundly un-Hindu, a distortion of a tradition that has historically embraced pluralism and dialogue. Hinduism, in its philosophical essence, is not biased, but the politics being carried out in its name, however, often is. For the sake of all its citizens, regardless of faith, caste, or language, India must reaffirm its commitment to secularism. This does not mean the erasure of religion from public life, but its equal treatment by the state. It means remembering that the Constitution, not any religious text, is the supreme law of the land.