By Sardar Khan Niazi

Afghanistan, long seen as a battleground for ideological wars and humanitarian despair, is re-emerging as a central player in the new geopolitics of Asia. However, unlike in the past, the West is not orchestrating this recalibration. Instead, regional actors — driven by economics, security, and strategic realism are leading it. After decades of estrangement, the Central Asian Republics are reconnecting with Afghanistan. Russia has taken a decisive step by recognizing the Taliban regime, a move that could catalyze broader regional engagement. China, through its BRI, has already entrenched itself in Afghanistan with economic and strategic projects. The United States, though militarily absent, remains alert to Afghanistan’s untapped mineral wealth. However, the real transformation lies in regional cooperation — and in that, Pakistan stands at the crossroads of opportunity and challenge. In a quietly consequential development, Pakistan, Iran, and Afghanistan have agreed to collaborate within China’s BRI framework. This move could reshape Asia’s connectivity map and alter the very foundations of influence and power in the region. For Pakistan, this marks an important chance to pivot from a security-centric outlook to one anchored in regional integration and economic diplomacy. Islamabad is now strategically positioned as a land bridge — linking South Asia to Central Asia and the Middle East. Projects like the Mazar-i-Sharif to Peshawar railway line, the CASA-1000 electricity corridor, and renewed discussions on the long-delayed TAPI gas pipeline exemplify this shift. These initiatives do not just promise energy and infrastructure — they offer a route to stability through economic interdependence. The Central Asian Republics, particularly Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan, now see the Afghan corridor as their most viable path to the Arabian Sea. With diminishing reliance on traditional Russian or Iranian routes, Afghanistan and Pakistan provide the shortest overland access to the ports of Gwadar and Karachi–both critical hubs for regional trade. However, not all regional powers are encouraged by these developments. India, observing from the east, sees its strategic influence waning. The collapse of SAARC and the rise of China-led alternatives in the region threaten to exclude New Delhi from emerging Eurasian configurations. The growing synergy among Pakistan, Iran, China, and now Russia around Afghanistan suggests the emergence of parallel regional orders — ones in which India has limited influence. Russia’s recognition of the Taliban is more than symbolic. It lays the groundwork for Afghanistan’s inclusion in regional blocs such as the SCO, CSTO, and the EAEU. This legitimization paves the way for Afghanistan’s economic normalization and regional integration–something the West failed to achieve during its two-decade presence. Pakistan, if it plays its cards right, stands to gain in three key areas: First, it can finally monetize its geography. As a gateway for regional trade and energy flows, Pakistan could benefit from transit revenues, infrastructure investments, and greater regional visibility. Second, it enhances its geopolitical advantage. With both China and Iran converging on the goal of Afghan stability and connectivity, Pakistan’s central role gives it weight in regional diplomacy, particularly within forums like the SCO and the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO). Third, stability through connectivity. By binding Afghanistan into a web of mutual economic interests, Pakistan secures its own western border. A stable Kabul is essential for peace in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan. However, opportunity does not come without caveats. Pakistan must overcome internal political instability, militancy, and inconsistent policy execution. Strategic clarity, institutional stability, and regional consensus are prerequisites if this moment is to be seized. Afghanistan is no longer just a humanitarian burden or a geopolitical flashpoint. It is a strategic pivot in Asia’s emerging order. Pakistan must decide: will it be a passive transit route, or an active architect of regional integration?