The summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which took place in Tianjin from August 31 to September 1, was more than just a formal assembly of the biggest nations in Eurasia. In addition to being in line with a larger push for multipolarity in international politics, it provided Pakistan with a forum to discuss important national issues like water security, terrorism, regional connectivity, and peace. During the event, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif reminded the member states that Pakistan’s commitment to communication and diplomacy is real. He correctly brought out the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) issue, for instance, and India’s unilateral suspension in response for the Pahalgam incident, which it hurriedly and without proof attributed to Pakistan. This is a flagrant breach of international law, according to the majority of international accounts. New Delhi’s unilateralism has previously been rejected by the Permanent Court of Arbitration, which has ruled that politics cannot control treaties. Pakistan has firmly established water rights on the regional agenda by drawing attention to this issue at the SCO. The leaders of the SCO issued a united statement denouncing the attacks in Pahalgam, Jaffar Express, and Khuzdar, and emphasizing the responsibility of those responsible. The statement supports Pakistan’s long-standing position that terrorism is a global threat that is frequently assisted by foreign actors, even if no nations were named in relation to any of the incidents. The truth is that terrorism has cost Pakistan $152 billion and over 90,000 lives; these sacrifices are worthy of acknowledgment rather than blame. Islamabad can benefit diplomatically from the SCO’s reaffirmation of the unacceptable nature of employing terrorist organizations for political purposes. The conference has also confirmed the SCO’s expanding position as a different perspective on regional and global governance, which goes beyond terrorism. A lot of people in Pakistan have long argued that the Global South should have structures that serve its interests collectively rather than being dictated by power blocs. Chinese President Xi Jinping’s proposal for a new security and economic system free from hegemony and based on multilateralism reflects this view. Initiatives like a SCO development bank and increased usage of national currencies can provide nations with chances to diversify their economic dependencies as the US increasingly uses economic tools and sanctions as weapons. However, it is important to remember Pakistan’s focus on Afghanistan and connectivity. Real interconnectedness and the transformation of regional supply chains are two possible outcomes of CPEC’s growth into a larger SCO framework. However, stability in Afghanistan is essential to the realization of this objective. It is important to keep a close eye on Islamabad’s trilateral interactions with Beijing and Kabul for any noticeable advancements. The SCO has also successfully maintained a united front on international hot spots like Israeli aggression in Gaza and US-Israeli strikes on Iran, which is encouraging. Of course, there are inconsistencies in the SCO. Despite their efforts to portray themselves as “development partners,” China and India are competitors. The bloc’s unity may be hampered by Russia’s obsession with Ukraine. However, from Pakistan’s perspective, the SCO is a priceless chance to strengthen our ties with China and Russia, oppose Indian narratives at a multilateral table, and increase our voice in regional diplomacy. It will probably be challenged sooner rather than later if the SCO is a forum that can shape alternative paths in a turbulent global order rather than a talk shop. However, Pakistan is correctly claiming its position in this changing framework. The final step is to convert summit rhetoric into real results, which is an opportunity Islamabad cannot afford to miss.